sparky wrote:Ali sounds as posh as expected!
I take it you mean the sound of his voice/accent? It's amusing. On the other hand, I know someone who interviewed Ali for a college radio program, and there was some fuck-up with the line that resulted in Ali being on hold for the better part of half an hour. Apparently he was perfectly gracious about it all. If you read the SWP-affiliated blogs like Lenin's Tomb, Ali is treated with a certain bemusement but clear respect--as in he has a long history of doing the legwork, showing up for pickets improbably dressed in a jean jacket, etc. Early in the occupation Democracy Now! hosted a debate/interview between Ali and Hitchens (it's still online) and Ali completely outclasses Hitchens.
His long piece in the current issue of the London Review (written prior to the assassination but published with a postscript) is here: "
Daughter of the West."
Gwynne Dyer's short commentary on Bhutto is also good.
Benazir Bhutto did five years of hard time in prison, much of it in
solitary confinement, after her father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
was overthrown and hanged by the worst of Pakistan's military dictators,
General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But she was a woman who liked her privileges
and her luxuries, and she was never a very effective politician.
I got to know Benazir Bhutto a bit in the mid-1970s, when she had
finished her degree at Harvard and was doing graduate work at Oxford
University. She actually spent much of her time in London, in a grand flat
she kept just off Hyde Park.
If you knew a lot of people in town who took an interest in Middle
Eastern and subcontinental affairs (I had been studying at the School of
Oriental and African Studies), and you weren't too old or too boring, you
were likely to end up at her flat once in a while, at what some would call
a salon but I would call a party.
A fairly decorous party as those things went in 70s London, to be
sure, with everybody showing off their sophisticated knowledge of the
region's politics and nobody getting out of hand, but definitely a party.
The hostess was well informed and quite clever, and she obviously had money
coming out of her ears. We knew her dad had been prime minister of Pakistan
before Zia overthrew him, of course, but she was neither a serious scholar
nor a budding politician.
She seemed more American than Pakistani in her style and attitudes,
but beneath the Radcliffe and Harvard veneer she also seemed like thousands
of other young upper-class women from Pakistan and India who were floating
around London at the time. They called one another by girlish nicknames
like "Bubbles," they didn't take anything very seriously (including their
studies), and they seemed destined for a life of idle privilege.
Then Benazir Bhutto went back to Pakistan in 1977, just about the
time that Zia had her father sentenced to death in a rigged trial. He was
hanged in 1979, and Benazir was thrown into jail for five years. But when
she came out after Zia died, she was already the head of the party her
father had founded, the Pakistan People's Party, and by 1988 she was prime
minister. She was only 35.
She was prime minister twice, from 1988-90 and 1993-96, and was
removed from power both times on corruption charges. The charges have never
been proved in court, but the evidence of kickbacks and commissions,
especially to her husband Asif Zardari, whom she foolishly made investment
minister, is pretty overwhelming. But that was not the real problem.
The problem was that she never seemed to have any goal in politics,
apart from vindicating her father by leading his party back to power. At
the start she was hugely popular, but she wasted her opportunity to make
real changes in Pakistan because she had no notion (beyond the usual
rhetoric) of what a better Pakistan would look like. Pakistan is already
pretty good for her sort of people, so it should not surprise us that there
was almost nothing to show for her years in office.
If she had become prime minister again, which was a quite likely
outcome of the current crisis, there is no reason to believe that she would
have done any better this time. Her assassination just makes it harder to
solve the crisis at all.
Benazir Bhutto's party, the PPP, has no alternative leader with
national visibility. The other major opposition party leader, Nawaz Sharif,
is equally compromised by his past failures, and is currently planning to
boycott the elections scheduled for 8 January. Ex-general Pervez
Musharraf, who had himself "re-elected" president in October and imposed
emergency rule in order to dismiss the supreme court judges who would have
ruled his "election" illegal, is totally discredited and unlikely to last
much longer.
The most probable outcome is a new period of military rule under a
different ruler, simply for lack of a good alternative. It is pathetic that
a country the size of Pakistan should have so few inspiring or even
promising candidates for high political office.
The vast majority of Pakistan's politicians, and of the people who
run pretty well everything else in the country apart from the armed forces,
are drawn from the three or four percent of the population who constitute
the country's traditional elite. It is a very shallow pool of talent, made
up of people who have a big stake in the stratus quo and a huge sense of
entitlement.
Look east to India, west to Iran, or north to China, and by
comparison Pakistan's political demography is absolutely feudal. So long as
that remains the case, it is absurd to imagine that democracy will solve
Pakistan's problems. I admired Benazir Bhutto's courage and I am very
sorry that she was killed, but she could never have been Pakistan's
saviour.